No Treason · Chapters
Chapters explained
Chapter companions for No Treason by Lysander Spooner.
Chapter 1
Introductory
The chapter distinguishes the question of treason from that of slavery, arguing that the North's war principle—that men may be compelled to support a government they do not want—is self-evidently false and fatal to political freedom. It contends that this principle, if established, transforms all subjects into political slaves, and calls for either rejecting it as unconstitutional or overthrowing the Constitution itself.
Chapter 2
No Treason
The chapter argues that the concept of treason, as applied to the Southern states, is invalid because the Constitution was a voluntary compact among individuals, not states, and that the federal government's actions against the South constitute a breach of that compact, revealing the government as based on force rather than consent.
Chapter 3
I
The chapter argues that the U.S. Constitution has no inherent authority over living individuals, as it was a contract among people now dead, who had no right to bind their posterity. It contends that the Constitution's language does not compel future generations, and that any obligation must arise from voluntary acts like voting or paying taxes.
Chapter 4
I
The chapter argues that the U.S. Constitution has no inherent authority over living individuals, as it was a contract among people now dead, who had no right to bind their posterity. It contends that the Constitution's language does not compel future generations, and that any obligation must arise from voluntary acts like voting or paying taxes.
Chapter 5
II
The chapter argues that oaths taken by members of Congress to support the Constitution are legally and morally void because they are given to no identifiable party. It contends that the secret ballot and lack of individual consent or contract between representatives and the people create a system of secret government by unknown robbers and murderers, rendering any oath of office a pledge to nobody.
Chapter 6
Chapter III
The chapter argues that compulsory taxation provides no evidence of voluntary consent to the Constitution. It compares government to a highwayman who robs under threat, but is more insidious because it operates secretly, uses a secret ballot, and claims to provide protection. The author contends that since taxpayers cannot know who composes the government, they cannot enter into any contract or give consent. The chapter concludes that no one is obligated to support the Constitution.
Chapter 7
IV
The chapter argues that the Constitution is not and never was a binding contract because it was never signed or delivered by any individual, as required by law and reason for any written instrument to be enforceable.
Chapter 8
II: The Constitution
This chapter argues that true treason requires a prior voluntary pledge of allegiance, and that the Southern states, having openly declared secession and given fair warning, were not traitors in fact under the Constitution. It critiques the presumption of consent by government, equating taxation without consent to robbery, and contends that both North and South have erred in imposing involuntary allegiance, leading to a war for chattel slavery on one side and political slavery on the other.
Chapter 9
I
The chapter argues that the U.S. Constitution has no inherent authority over living individuals, as it was a contract among people now dead, who had no right to bind their posterity. It contends that the Constitution's language does not compel future generations, and that any obligation must arise from voluntary acts like voting or paying taxes.
Chapter 10
II
The chapter argues that oaths taken by members of Congress to support the Constitution are legally and morally void because they are given to no identifiable party. It contends that the secret ballot and lack of individual consent or contract between representatives and the people create a system of secret government by unknown robbers and murderers, rendering any oath of office a pledge to nobody.
Chapter 11
Chapter III
The chapter argues that compulsory taxation provides no evidence of voluntary consent to the Constitution. It compares government to a highwayman who robs under threat, but is more insidious because it operates secretly, uses a secret ballot, and claims to provide protection. The author contends that since taxpayers cannot know who composes the government, they cannot enter into any contract or give consent. The chapter concludes that no one is obligated to support the Constitution.
Chapter 12
IV
The chapter argues that the Constitution is not and never was a binding contract because it was never signed or delivered by any individual, as required by law and reason for any written instrument to be enforceable.
Chapter 13
Chapter V
The author argues that the Constitution is an invalid contract because it was never signed by any party, contrasting this with the universal legal requirement for written and signed contracts. He points to the Statute of Frauds and common practices like taking notes or receipts to show that even trivial agreements require signatures, yet the Constitution—which supposedly binds all people forever—lacks any signature, seal, or witness. This makes it, by general legal principles, mere waste paper, and fighting to enforce it is both insane and wicked.
Chapter 14
VI
The chapter argues that the U.S. Constitution grants Congress absolute and irresponsible power over the people, making them masters rather than servants, and that this power is equivalent to property ownership, reducing citizens to slaves. It further contends that because no individual is held responsible for Congress's acts, members are not true agents of the people, and individuals retain the natural right to resist them as trespassers.
Chapter 15
VII
The chapter argues that the Constitution is not a binding contract because it was never voluntarily signed by the people; those who govern under it are usurpers acting without legitimate authority, and the only reason the people have not been asked to sign is that they would refuse, revealing that the government's true purpose is to exercise illegitimate power over others.
Chapter 16
VIII
The chapter argues that the U.S. government lacks legitimate authority because it rests on a tacit understanding among voters who select agents via secret ballot, which cannot justify the seizure of property, liberty, or life. The secret ballot creates a secret government akin to a band of robbers and murderers, and the only remedy is a constitution openly consented to and personally responsible.
Chapter 17
IX
The chapter argues that the secret ballot is motivated by fear and mutual distrust among those who govern, likening them to a secret band of robbers and murderers who dare not reveal their individual actions. It contends that this system creates a secret government and that true liberty would require open compacts and individual responsibility.
Chapter 18
Chapter X
The chapter argues that no legitimate government exists based on consent or compact of the people; instead, the visible government is a small group of individuals acting as self-appointed agents, secretly chosen via secret ballot, who function as a band of robbers and murderers hiding behind the title 'the people of the United States' to justify plunder and coercion.
Chapter 19
XI
The chapter attacks the notion of government by consent, arguing that presuming consent from those who have not actually given it is a shameless absurdity and a justification for tyranny, likening it to robbery, murder, and chattel slavery.
Chapter 20
VI: The Constitution of No Authority
This chapter argues that the U.S. government is a secret band of robbers and murderers, not a legitimate authority based on consent. It contends that taxation without consent is robbery, that voting under compulsion does not imply voluntary support for the Constitution, and that the secret ballot prevents any legal proof of individual consent. The author concludes that the government rests on force, not voluntary agreement.
Chapter 21
I
The chapter argues that the U.S. Constitution has no inherent authority over living individuals, as it was a contract among people now dead, who had no right to bind their posterity. It contends that the Constitution's language does not compel future generations, and that any obligation must arise from voluntary acts like voting or paying taxes.
Chapter 22
II
The chapter argues that oaths taken by members of Congress to support the Constitution are legally and morally void because they are given to no identifiable party. It contends that the secret ballot and lack of individual consent or contract between representatives and the people create a system of secret government by unknown robbers and murderers, rendering any oath of office a pledge to nobody.
Chapter 23
Chapter III
The chapter argues that compulsory taxation provides no evidence of voluntary consent to the Constitution. It compares government to a highwayman who robs under threat, but is more insidious because it operates secretly, uses a secret ballot, and claims to provide protection. The author contends that since taxpayers cannot know who composes the government, they cannot enter into any contract or give consent. The chapter concludes that no one is obligated to support the Constitution.
Chapter 24
IV
The chapter argues that the Constitution is not and never was a binding contract because it was never signed or delivered by any individual, as required by law and reason for any written instrument to be enforceable.
Chapter 25
Chapter V
The author argues that the Constitution is an invalid contract because it was never signed by any party, contrasting this with the universal legal requirement for written and signed contracts. He points to the Statute of Frauds and common practices like taking notes or receipts to show that even trivial agreements require signatures, yet the Constitution—which supposedly binds all people forever—lacks any signature, seal, or witness. This makes it, by general legal principles, mere waste paper, and fighting to enforce it is both insane and wicked.
Chapter 26
VI
The chapter argues that the U.S. Constitution grants Congress absolute and irresponsible power over the people, making them masters rather than servants, and that this power is equivalent to property ownership, reducing citizens to slaves. It further contends that because no individual is held responsible for Congress's acts, members are not true agents of the people, and individuals retain the natural right to resist them as trespassers.
Chapter 27
VII
The chapter argues that the Constitution is not a binding contract because it was never voluntarily signed by the people; those who govern under it are usurpers acting without legitimate authority, and the only reason the people have not been asked to sign is that they would refuse, revealing that the government's true purpose is to exercise illegitimate power over others.
Chapter 28
VIII
The chapter argues that the U.S. government lacks legitimate authority because it rests on a tacit understanding among voters who select agents via secret ballot, which cannot justify the seizure of property, liberty, or life. The secret ballot creates a secret government akin to a band of robbers and murderers, and the only remedy is a constitution openly consented to and personally responsible.
Chapter 29
IX
The chapter argues that the secret ballot is motivated by fear and mutual distrust among those who govern, likening them to a secret band of robbers and murderers who dare not reveal their individual actions. It contends that this system creates a secret government and that true liberty would require open compacts and individual responsibility.
Chapter 30
Chapter X
The chapter argues that no legitimate government exists based on consent or compact of the people; instead, the visible government is a small group of individuals acting as self-appointed agents, secretly chosen via secret ballot, who function as a band of robbers and murderers hiding behind the title 'the people of the United States' to justify plunder and coercion.
Chapter 31
II
The chapter argues that oaths taken by members of Congress to support the Constitution are legally and morally void because they are given to no identifiable party. It contends that the secret ballot and lack of individual consent or contract between representatives and the people create a system of secret government by unknown robbers and murderers, rendering any oath of office a pledge to nobody.
Chapter 32
XII
The chapter argues that naturalization oaths are invalid because there is no legitimate, voluntary association known as 'the people of the United States' to receive them. It contends that no such organization was ever formed by open contract, and that any purported allegiance is given to a nonexistent entity, making the oaths void in law and reason.
Chapter 33
XII
The chapter argues that naturalization oaths are invalid because there is no legitimate, voluntary association known as 'the people of the United States' to receive them. It contends that no such organization was ever formed by open contract, and that any purported allegiance is given to a nonexistent entity, making the oaths void in law and reason.
Chapter 34
XIV
The chapter argues that oaths of allegiance extorted from Southern men after the war are invalid because they were coerced, violate natural rights, and were given to a non-existent legitimate corporation—'the United States'—which cannot be proven to have any identifiable members or legal existence, thus making the oaths obligations to a secret band of robbers and murderers.
Chapter 35
XV
The chapter argues that soldiers' oaths of allegiance and service to the United States government are void because the United States is not a legitimate corporation or nation, and therefore such oaths are made to nobody and carry no obligation.
Chapter 36
Chapter XVI
The chapter argues that treaties made by U.S. officials with foreign nations are invalid because neither the officials nor the foreign nations have legitimate authority from their respective peoples. It contends that there is no authentic evidence that the people of the United States authorized these officials, nor that foreign peoples authorized their rulers, making such treaties as fictitious as a treaty with the Man in the Moon.
Chapter 37
XVII
The chapter argues that the national debt is illegitimate because it was contracted by a secret band of robbers and murderers (the government) without the consent of the people, and that the contracts are void as they were made for criminal purposes and bind no one individually.
Chapter 38
XVIII
The chapter argues that the U.S. government lacks any valid contract, as the Constitution was never signed and voting is conducted via secret ballot, making no one openly responsible. It contends that real rulers are those with the will and money to kill, and that wealthy moneylenders like the Rothschilds finance governments to murder and enslave people for profit, turning rulers into mere tools of blood-money lenders.
Chapter 39
XIX
The chapter exposes the true motives behind the Civil War, arguing that Northern merchants and manufacturers lent money for the war not out of love of liberty or justice, but to monopolize Southern markets and maintain industrial control. It claims that the lenders of 'blood-money' now use the government as a tool to extort payment through taxation and tariffs, imposing industrial and commercial slavery on both North and South. The chapter dismisses cries of abolishing slavery, saving the country, preserving the union, and establishing a government of consent as transparent frauds, asserting that the war was a scheme of robbery and murder to enslave the people.
Chapter 40
Appendix
The author argues that the Constitution, never having been signed or agreed to as a contract, is not binding on anyone and is unfit to exist, either because it authorized the existing government or was powerless to prevent it.
Chapter 41
Endnotes
The endnotes provide critical commentary on the nature of government, the Constitution, and the legal framework of contracts, questioning the legitimacy of majority rule and the binding nature of the Constitution as a contract.
