The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism · Chapter
III: Bolshevik Criticism of Democracy explained
Russell examines the Bolshevik argument against parliamentary democracy, which holds that capitalism's control over propaganda and corruption makes constitutional change impossible, necessitating a violent minority revolution.
What happens
Russell examines the Bolshevik argument against parliamentary democracy, which holds that capitalism's control over propaganda and corruption makes constitutional change impossible, necessitating a violent minority revolution. He counters that this approach underestimates the dangers of power lust, the adaptability of capitalist states, and the likelihood that a minority dictatorship would become despotic. He argues that in democratic, politically educated countries, a Communist government could succeed through majority support and constitutional means, and that Bolshevik tactics of violence and deception are both impractical and morally corrosive.
Themes in this chapter
Bolshevism as a Religion
Russell critiques the Bolsheviks' absolute certainty in Communism, likening their faith to a secular religion that justifies forcing their ideology on an unwilling population.
Fanaticism and Cruelty
The chapter warns that Bolshevik methods of minority violence and dictatorship would unleash primitive instincts and lead to widespread brutality, as seen in the potential for murder and rape in a lawless society.
Power and Dictatorship
Russell argues that love of power, not just money, drives injustice, and that a Bolshevik minority dictatorship would likely create a bureaucratic aristocracy as oppressive as capitalism.
Individual vs. State
The chapter highlights the tension between individual freedom and state coercion, as Russell defends democratic processes against the Bolshevik imposition of minority rule.
Characters to notice
- Lenin
Implied as the architect of Bolshevik revolutionary theory, though not directly named in this chapter.
- Trotsky
Implied as a key Bolshevik theorist of revolution, though not directly named.
- Marx
Referenced as the source of the materialist conception of history and the basis for Bolshevik arguments.
- Kerensky
Mentioned indirectly through the context of the Russian Revolution and the Bolshevik seizure of power in November 1917.
Key passages
“The Bolshevik argument against Parliamentary democracy as a method of achieving Socialism is a powerful one. My answer to it lies rather in pointing out what I believe to be fallacies in the Bolshevik method, from which I conclude that no swift method exists of establishing any desirable form of Socialism.”
Russell acknowledges the strength of the Bolshevik critique of parliamentary democracy but counters that their own method is flawed, and that there is no quick way to create a good socialist system.
Opening thesis of the chapter.
“Marxians never sufficiently recognize that love of power is quite as strong a motive, and quite as great a source of injustice, as love of money; yet this must be obvious to any unbiased student of politics.”
Marxists overlook that the desire for power can cause as much harm as greed for money, a fact clear to any impartial observer of politics.
Russell's key critique of Marxist psychology.
“The only possible way by which politicians as a class can be improved is the political and psychological education of the people, so that they may learn to detect a humbug.”
The sole method to make politicians better is to educate the public politically and psychologically so they can recognize dishonesty.
Russell's democratic remedy against corruption.
“Is it not as clear as noonday that in a democratic country it is more difficult for the proletariat to destroy the Government by arms than to defeat it in a general election?”
In a democracy, it is obviously harder for workers to overthrow the government through violence than to win an election.
Russell's logical argument against armed revolution.
“The first is that, when once the principle of respecting majorities as expressed at the ballot-box is abandoned, there is no reason to suppose that victory will be secured by the particular minority to which one happens to belong.”
Once majority rule is rejected, any minority—not just Communists—could seize power, making Bolshevik success uncertain.
Russell's first principled objection to minority violence.
“The second argument of principle against the method of minority violence is that abandonment of law, when it becomes widespread, lets loose the wild beast, and gives a free rein to the primitive lusts and egoisms which civilization in some degree curbs.”
Widespread lawlessness unleashes humanity's primal instincts and selfishness, which civilization normally restrains.
Russell's second principled objection, warning of societal collapse.
