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Ten Days That Shook the World · Chapter

II: The Coming Storm explained

The chapter depicts the tense political atmosphere in Petrograd following the Kornilov affair, the struggle for power between the Bolsheviks and moderate socialists, and the preparations for the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets.

What happens

The chapter depicts the tense political atmosphere in Petrograd following the Kornilov affair, the struggle for power between the Bolsheviks and moderate socialists, and the preparations for the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets. It highlights the growing polarization, the failure of coalition government, and the rising revolutionary fervor among workers, soldiers, and peasants.

Themes in this chapter

  • Class Conflict and Polarization

    The chapter vividly portrays the deepening divide between workers, soldiers, and peasants on one side, and the bourgeoisie, landowners, and moderate socialists on the other, as seen in the Soviet debates and street tensions.

  • Struggle for Legitimacy and Power

    The conflict over the Congress of Soviets, the Democratic Conference, and the Provisional Government's authority highlights the battle for political legitimacy between the Bolsheviks and the moderate socialists.

  • Counterrevolution and Civil War

    The Kornilov revolt and fears of a new counterrevolutionary coup, along with warnings of civil war, permeate the chapter, as both sides prepare for possible armed conflict.

Characters to notice

  • John Reed

    Narrator and observer present at the all-night meeting of the Petrograd Soviet and other events.

  • Alexander Kerensky

    Premier who threatened resignation to force coalition with the Cadets, seen as a shield for landowners.

  • Leon Trotsky

    Implicitly referenced as a leading Bolshevik figure; the Bolsheviks are central to the chapter's events.

  • Lev Kamenev

    Spoke with Reed about the Congress of Soviets and the possibility of a Bolshevik majority.

  • V. Volodarsky

    Expressed determination that if the Congress is sabotaged, the Bolsheviks would act independently.

  • Julius Martov

    Spoke at the Council of the Russian Republic, advocating for peace and land reform.

  • Maxim Gorky

    His newspaper Novaya Zhizn urged unity and warned against premature insurrection.

  • General Lavr Kornilov

    His march on Petrograd to become military dictator triggered the political crisis.

Key passages

  • The world thinks that the Russian Revolution is at an end. Do not be mistaken. The Russian Revolution is just beginning.

    A speaker at the Soviet meeting warns that despite appearances, the revolution is far from over and is actually intensifying.

    Prophetic statement about the ongoing revolutionary process.

  • This Kerensky is nothing but a shield to the pomieshtchiki (landowners). They know that at the Constituent Assembly we will take the land anyway, so they are trying to destroy the Constituent Assembly!

    A peasant accuses Kerensky of protecting landowners and suggests that postponing the Constituent Assembly is a tactic to prevent land reform.

    Reflects peasant distrust of the Provisional Government.

  • The soldier masses no longer trust their officers. Even the Army Committees, who refused to call a meeting of our Soviet, betrayed us. … The masses of the soldiers want the Constituent Assembly to be held exactly when it was called for, and those who dare to postpone it will be cursed—and not only platonic curses either, for the Army has guns too.

    A soldier declares that the rank-and-file soldiers have lost faith in their officers and the Army Committees, and warns that any delay of the Constituent Assembly will be met with armed resistance.

    Highlights the radicalization of soldiers and their readiness to use force.

  • It isn’t the question of who has the power. The trouble is not with the Government, but with the war … and the war must be won before any change—

    A Menshevik officer argues that the war effort should take priority over political changes.

    Contrasts with the Bolshevik focus on immediate peace and power transfer.

  • As long as the democracy has not organised its principal forces, so long as the resistance to its influence is still strong, there is no advantage in passing to the attack. But if the hostile elements appeal to force, then the revolutionary democracy should enter the battle to seize the power, and it will be sustained by the most profound strata of the people.

    Gorky's newspaper advises against premature insurrection but states that if attacked, the revolutionary forces must fight back and take power.

    Reflects the cautious yet militant stance of some leftist intellectuals.